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MÉDIAS ET RELIGIONS AU SÉNÉGAL

D 15 avril 2016     H 02:15     A Seydou Nourou SALL     C 947 messages


Revue d’Études Africaines n°2.
Littérature, philosophie, sociologie, anthropologie et art.
Année 2015

MÉDIAS ET RELIGIONS AU SÉNÉGAL

Auteur : Seydou Nourou SALL [1]

La presse est née presque partout en tant que presse d’État. La Gazette de Théophraste Renaudot a été créée en France pour « célébrer le pouvoir » [2]. Au Sénégal, Dakar Matin, au début des indépendances, et Le Soleil ensuite se devaient de refléter la pensée politique du Gouvernement, sinon du parti politique aux affaires [3].

« La préoccupation première du pouvoir est donc de renvoyer vers lui tout ce qui peut contribuer à rassembler les moyens de gouverner [...]. Les récits mettent en scène les acteurs de la royauté et invitent à reconnaître les valeurs des institutions et de ses actions » [4].

Mais en France comme au Sénégal, le monopole de la minorité dirigeante sur ce moyen de communication de masse ne résiste pas à la demande d’informations du peuple avide de percer les mystères du pouvoir. La liberté d’expression proclamée par la Déclaration des Droits de l’Homme et des Citoyens de 1789, et surtout instituée par la loi du 29 juillet 1881 [5] sur la liberté de presse, combinée aux progrès techniques du XIXe siècle, allaient permettre à la presse d’écrire ses lettres de noblesse. Alliée du pouvoir à ses débuts, elle s’en affranchit pour devenir, elle-même, un lieu de pouvoir. Le quatrième pouvoir, selon certains, un contre-pouvoir selon d’autres. En tout cas, contre les abus des pouvoirs exécutif, judiciaire et législatif qui peuvent faillir, se méprendre et commettre des erreurs ou fautes graves, elle a été et demeure le seul recours des citoyens.
Elle l’a prouvé avec l’affaire Dreyfus en France. Le « J’accuse » d’Émile Zola, dans l’Aurore, et l’engouement qu’il a suscité démontrent comment la presse était capable de rétablir la justice et de rééquilibrer les forces politiques. Aux États-Unis, c’est l’affaire du Watergate qui va illustrer la toute puissance de la presse. Deux rédacteurs du Washington Post, Carl Bernstein et Bob Woodward provoquent, par leurs investigations, le retrait forcé en 1974 du Président américain, Richard Nixon.
Au Sénégal, c’est l’élection présidentielle de 2000 qui a donné l’occasion à la presse privée de montrer qu’elle pouvait faire autant que ses confrères français et américains [6]. C’est elle qui a déjoué toutes les tentatives de l’ancien pouvoir de préparer en amont et en aval du scrutin les conditions d’un détournement du résultat des urnes. Son moment de gloire, la presse sénégalaise l’avait enfin vécu et pouvait, en tant que telle, être sacrée contre-pouvoir.
Les journalistes qui ont fait sauter le verrou étatique usent-ils de la même plume trempée au vitriol quand ils abordent les questions religieuses ? Dans le cas contraire, qu’est-ce qui les en empêche ? N’y a-t-il pas des contraintes qui pèsent sur l’information religieuse ? Que devient la liberté de la presse à l’épreuve des réalités socioculturelles et surtout économiques ? La logique commerciale n’a-t-elle pas fait s’envoler les riches promesses de 1789 et homogénéisé les contenus ?

1. PRINCIPES GÉNÉRAUX SUR MÉDIAS ET RELIGIONS

Nous n’allons pas nous attarder sur les considérations philosophiques et sociologiques sur la religion. Ce qui nous intéresse ici, c’est son rapport avec la parole libre. Sans oublier de dire un mot sur ce qui fait la spécificité de l’information religieuse.

Religion et parole libre

« La religion concerne le rapport au sacré et, de façon générale, tout ce qui a trait aux relations des hommes avec la ou les puissances surnaturelles » [7]. Elle sous-entend un ensemble de dogmes à respecter scrupuleusement, mieux encore, une fidélité absolue à la parole révélée caractérisée par son infaillibilité. Qui, mieux que les religieux, pouvaient s’exprimer sans trahir l’esprit des textes sacrés ? D’où leurs tendances anciennes à s’accaparer et/ou à contrôler avec l’État – la religion et l’État se confondaient – des œuvres de l’esprit : livres, revues, journaux. Si la presse est née presse d’État en France, elle n’en remplissait pas moins des objectifs religieux, parce que généralement dirigée par des hommes d’église ou proches des milieux ecclésiastiques.

« Les canards reflètent les préoccupations religieuses et moralisatrices de leur époque. Ils puisent dans les faits divers, en retirent le récit des meurtres les plus abominables ou des exécutions capitales. La description du supplicié démembré ou embrasé par les flammes du bûcher introduit le prêche vertueux. […] Le souverain, sous ses différents aspects de roi sacré, de thaumaturge, de défenseur de la foi, de vengeur de la chrétienté, de justicier et de pacificateur, y est l’objet d’une propagande récurrente. Celle-ci présente au peuple l’image du monarque absolu, prévient les révoltes, en montrant la vanité lorsqu’elles se produisent » [8].

En Afrique subsaharienne, la presse est également née religieuse, créée le plus souvent par les missionnaires chrétiens pour faciliter leur œuvre d’évangélisation.
Dans ces conditions, toute parole qui s’éloignerait des cadres définis par la religion est considérée comme blasphématoire. Tout discours sur la religion ou un acteur religieux est un discours contrôlé, épié et sanctionné si besoin. Avec la complicité de quelques États qui ont encore du mal à opérer une séparation radicale avec le spirituel. La religion a, en effet, toujours eu des tentations de pouvoir, malgré la formule du Christ : « Il faut rendre à César ce qui est à César, et à Dieu ce qui est à Dieu » (Mat. 22 ; 21), malgré la loi française de 1905 sur la séparation du temporel et du spirituel. Certes, il n’existe pas une seule laïcité, mais des laïcités ; l’américaine, la française, la turque, etc. ; toute loi est sujette à interprétation, diront les juristes. Cependant on ne peut nier l’existence d’une définition sur laquelle elles se rencontrent toutes : l’exclusion du religieux dans l’exercice du pouvoir politique ou administratif. Des pays, comme le Sénégal, ont repris à leur compte ces principes de la laïcité, en la faisant figurer en bonne place dans leur constitution, mais ont du mal à l’appliquer dans la réalité. La religion y demeure un lieu de pouvoir et pense toujours avoir un pouvoir sur la parole.
Ces précisions faites, se poser alors la question de la spécificité de l’information religieuse n’est pas superflu. La presse parlerait-elle de la religion de la même façon qu’elle parlerait de la politique, des arts, du sport, de l’économie, etc. ? L’information sur la religion devrait-elle avoir un statut spécial au sein des colonnes des journaux ?

Spécificité de l’information religieuse

Les médias entretiennent des rapports particulièrement difficiles avec les acteurs religieux. Ces difficultés sont liées à l’opposition des objectifs, des exigences et des modes de fonctionnement des uns et des autres. « Le désaccord est […] fréquent entre une Église dominée par une tradition de discrétion, voire de secret, et des médias qui doivent obéir à des besoins de mise en scène et de "théâtralisation" de l’information » [9]. Nous pouvons en dire autant des autres communautés religieuses qui ont toutes comme dénominateur commun de fonctionner sur la base du secret, de la prudence, de la réserve. Si nous osons la comparaison avec les « sociétés secrètes » de Georg Simmel, « le secret est alors une fin sociologique en soi, il s’agit de connaissances qui ne doivent pas se répandre dans la masse ; les initiés forment une communauté afin de se garantir mutuellement le secret » [10]. Dans ces conditions, la légitimité de l’informateur sur la religion se fonde uniquement sur sa proximité avec la communauté, sur sa capacité à faire le tri entre ce qui peut être dit et ce qui doit être caché. Il n’est dès lors pas étonnant de constater que les animateurs des émissions religieuses dans l’audiovisuel sont toujours des religieux ou des proches des milieux religieux. Il ne faut pas s’étonner non plus que « hormis ceux qui ont des incidences sociales ou politiques […], les événements religieux ne sont pas couverts comme ils devraient l’être, ni pris au sérieux, voire considérés comme mineurs dans les salles de rédactions » [11]. Par manque de spécialistes, on en arrive, de fait, à un « dérubricage » [12] de l’information sur la religion dans la presse. La religion est rattachée, selon les cas, soit au service politique, soit au service société, soit au service d’informations générales, etc. Le goût du secret des acteurs religieux mis à part, l’information religieuse souffre de l’impitoyable logique de sélection des médias. Les messages religieux sont longs, complexes, nuancés alors que les médias, eux, sont tenus de livrer des messages courts, simples, clairs pour faciliter leur accessibilité au plus grand public.

« Comment donc rendre compte de l’originalité d’une prise de position en quelques feuillets dans un article de presse écrite, en quelques mots dans une dépêche d’agence, en quelques images dans un journal télévisé ? […] Le journaliste sera donc soupçonné de ne rechercher que la "petite phrase", la nouveauté, la rupture ou, mieux encore, un désaccord avec des prises de positions antérieures. Un tel préjugé n’est pas toujours injustifié […], mais on ne peut ignorer ou simplement oublier que le journaliste est soumis à un impératif de sélection, à des contraintes d’espace et de temps, qui limitent fatalement la transmission de son message » [13].


L’autre source d’incompréhension entre médias et religions, c’est la logique de personnalisation, de vedettisation qui régit fortement le monde de l’information, en nette opposition avec l’univers religieux qui fonctionne sur la base de « communauté », de « peuple ». Cependant, certaines personnalités religieuses avaient ou ont intégré cette logique de fonctionnement. Nous pouvons, à la suite d’Henri Tincq [14], citer le Pape Jean Paul II, Mère Térésa, Sœur Emmanuelle, l’Abbé Pierre, Mgr Di Falco, etc. Au Sénégal, des marabouts comme Serigne Modou Kara, Cheikh Bethio Thioune ou Serigne Moustapha Sy peuvent être de parfaits exemples de personnalités qui savent attirer les médias par leur art de la petite phrase.
La dernière contrainte qui pèse sur l’information religieuse n’est pas la moindre. Ce qui intéresse les journalistes, c’est d’abord et avant tout le conflit, les polémiques. Cette prédilection naturelle des médias se heurte violemment à la culture du consensus chère aux communautés religieuses. Faut-il, pour autant, ignorer la religion dans le traitement de l’actualité ? Ou faut-il laisser la religion aux seuls initiés, ceux qui savent parler des communautés religieuses sans les froisser, la presse confessionnelle, par exemple ?

2. LE CAS SÉNÉGALAIS

Au Sénégal, l’univers religieux et l’univers politique sont fortement imbriqués, mieux l’espace religieux est un vrai lieu de pouvoir. Ce pays se distingue de beaucoup d’autres par la forme confrérique de son islam et la forte influence des marabouts sur la majorité de sa population. La plupart des musulmans sénégalais appartiennent à l’une des quatre confréries religieuses que compte le pays (mouridisme, tijaniyya, layène et khadriyya), et sont donc à la fois citoyens et disciples d’un marabout. Cette force des marabouts, cultivée depuis les premiers balbutiements de l’islam au Sénégal, entretenue durant l’époque coloniale, s’est imposée aujourd’hui comme un incontestable pouvoir qui n’a rien à envier au pouvoir politique et qui n’a pas sa pareille en Afrique [15]. Le pacte de soumission qui lie les talibés [16] à leurs marabouts n’est pas loin de le remporter sur celui qui les lie à l’État. On n’est pas loin d’une cohabitation de fait, les autorités politiques ne pouvant, en effet, ignorer les chefs spirituels, dans l’exercice quotidien de leurs charges républicaines. Une manière bien particulière d’honorer la laïcité qui se trouve en bonne place dans la constitution sénégalaise. Le pouvoir religieux est ainsi partie intégrante du système politique sénégalais. Et

« nulle étude de tous ordres (…) ne saurait exclure de son champ d’investigations le phénomène religieux, l’une des données les plus importantes du pays à travers ses acteurs, comme dans ses manifestations quotidiennes, au risque de ne point décrire l’exacte réalité » [17].

Analyser, dans ces conditions, comment la presse parle de la religion musulmane et surtout des acteurs religieux [18] nous paraît donc important.

Dérubricage de fait de la religion

Notre expérience personnelle, les témoignages des acteurs de la presse aussi bien d’informations générales que religieuses se rencontrent sur un constat : la presse n’accorde pas un grand intérêt aux questions religieuses. Des études quantitatives menées en 2004 dans le cadre d’un mémoire de DEA en Sciences de l’information et de la communication [19] ne font que confirmer ce désintérêt. Les articles consacrés à la religion ne représentaient que 2,8% environ du total des articles de Walfadjri. Un pourcentage encore à relativiser, car une bonne part de ces articles sont en rapport direct ou indirect avec d’autres rubriques, comme la Politique, l’Économie, etc. 17,4% des articles sur la religion sont, par exemple, traités à Walfadjri sous un angle politique et figurent d’ailleurs en bonne place dans la rubrique « Politique » ; alors que 78% environ sont traités sous d’autres angles. Il faut dire aussi qu’il pouvait difficilement en être autrement. Si le journal a des rubriques « Politique », « Économie", « Actualités », « Culture », « Sports », « Société », « International » et « Contributions », il n’a pas, par contre, de rubrique « Religion », non plus de spécialiste de la religion au sein de la rédaction. L’essentiel des articles est rédigé par des journalistes des Desks Politique, Économie, Culture, etc. Nous pouvons donc considérer que la religion ne représente qu’une portion congrue dans le quotidien Walfadjri, surtout si on la compare à la politique (18,7% environ) qui polarise plus l’attention des journalistes. Autrement dit, sa place n’y est pas proportionnelle à l’importance qu’elle a dans la société sénégalaise. Cela voudrait-il dire que le public, bien que fondamentalement religieux, n’est pas friand d’informations sur cette thématique ? En d’autres termes, les articles sur la religion sont-ils moins accrocheurs que ceux sur la politique ? Cette pure logique commerciale n’a-t-elle d’ailleurs pas poussé Walfadjri à changer de ligne éditoriale ?
À l’origine, ce journal avait, en effet, une forte orientation religieuse. Plus catégorique, André-Jean Tudesq l’avait présenté comme « un hebdomadaire de l’islam » [20]. En passant quotidien, en 1994, le journal a restreint « son caractère religieux » [21], pour reprendre les termes d’André-Jean Tudesq. Walfadjri avait peut-être compris que la presse religieuse avait du mal à prospérer au Sénégal. Babacar Touré [22] donne quelques raisons de cette difficulté d’épanouissement de la presse religieuse :

« Dans une société essentiellement laïque, même avec un vernis religieux très prononcé, en fait une presse religieuse n’a pas pu s’épanouir. Et il a fallu que (Walfadjri) rejoigne le peloton de tête des journaux qui sont venus après pour cadrer davantage avec les exigences de la société sénégalaise » [23].

Le Soleil ne fait pas exception à la règle. La place réservée à la religion est minime, comparée au poids de la religion au Sénégal. Seuls 3,3% environ des articles sont consacrés à la religion. Loin derrière la politique qui retient, avec 14,8% environ, plus l’attention des journalistes. Le Soleil fait cependant mieux que WalFadjri et contrairement à ce dernier avait un desk Religions. Sa mise en place participe du souci du journal de service public d’être présent sur tous les fronts de l’actualité [24].
À l’opposé de WalFadjri, les journalistes du quotidien national ont eu le souci de la spécialisation.


« Le journaliste, à force de s’occuper d’une question devient spécialiste. Mais en dehors des circonstances religieuses, ces journalistes couvrent d’autres événements. Ce sont surtout des journalistes qui sont spécialisés dans le domaine social, socioculturel, (...) donc forcément de religions. En réalité, ce sont des journalistes qui ne sont pas nécessairement spécialisés dans les questions religieuses quoiqu’ils aient la fibre religieuse. Parce que Jacques Moundor, par exemple, qui est décédé, avait la fibre religieuse qui lui permettait d’être à la fois bien dans la couverture des événements religieux musulmans et catholiques. Il était plus ou moins œcuménique », nous dit Amadou Fall lors d’un entretien [25].

Dans tous les autres organes de presse, le constat est le même ; la tendance est au dérubricage de fait de la religion. Or pour attirer l’attention, l’événement doit pouvoir s’insérer dans une rubrique. Un fait aura, en effet, d’autant plus de chance d’être promu événement qu’il fait sens pour une rubrique, y trouve un point d’ancrage institutionnalisé. Ce qui n’est pas le cas, on le répète, de la religion.

Les causes de ce désintérêt de la religion

Les raisons de ce désintérêt peuvent être de plusieurs ordres. On a déjà évoqué en passant le manque de spécialistes au sein des rédactions et de rubrique « religion ». L’autre raison – qui n’est pas la moindre – est à chercher au niveau du mode de fonctionnement des médias. Le principe de base de l’information consiste à privilégier les mauvaises nouvelles. Les trains qui arrivent à l’heure n’ont jamais intéressé les journalistes. Un chien qui mord un homme ce n’est pas de l’information, alors que l’inverse l’est, a-t-on l’habitude de répéter au sein de la profession. Les Anglo-saxons, à travers leur célèbre adage, « bad news make better than good news », ont tout résumé. Ce principe de base du journalisme peut-il s’appliquer aux chefs spirituels musulmans du Sénégal ? Difficilement, car ils ne conçoivent l’information que sous la forme de promotion. Quand elle dérange, inquiète, déstabilise comme c’est souvent le cas, ils n’usent pas des dispositions prévues par la loi – mise au point, droit de réponse ou plainte tout court – mais règlent le différend par la violence.

Peur des représailles ?

L’histoire de la presse sénégalaise est jalonnée d’agressions et de menaces à l’encontre des journalistes. Ndiaga Loum en a déjà rapporté quelques-unes dans sa thèse de Doctorat en Sciences de l’information et de la communication [26]. Aujourd’hui encore, ces agressions sont d’actualité. En novembre 2004, le rédacteur en chef du Témoin a été séquestré par de zélés disciples de Cheikh Bethio Thioune, un marabout de la confrérie mouride. Il avait publié une contribution critique à l’égard du chef spirituel [27]. Au mois de février 2006, le directeur de publication d’Il est midi Quotidien est menacé de mort par des talibés tidjanes [28]. Il lui était reproché de rappeler le passé de soutien à Abdou Diouf, l’ancien président de la République du Sénégal, du porte-parole du Khalife général des Tidjanes, Abdou Aziz Sy Junior. Quelque temps plus tard, en mai 2006, c’est au tour d’un reporter de la Radio Futurs Médias (RFM) de subir les foudres, encore une fois, des talibés de Cheikh Bethio Thioune. Le journaliste a été roué de coups de câbles en fer, à Mbacké, par ses talibés, alors qu’il se trouvait avec des confrères dans une buvette [29].
Interpellé par d’autres confrères trois jours après l’agression, le marabout a réagi ainsi : « Que ceux qui m’insultent sachent en répondre devant mes talibés » [30]. Ces menaces vont jusqu’à l’insolite pour ne pas dire l’irrationnel. Tel Khalife général de confrérie menaçant ainsi de transformer les journalistes de Walfadjri en singes [31]. Tels autres talibés attaquant une radio, car elle avait donné l’occasion à leur marabout de révéler, à travers une interview, qu’il ne savait pas lire l’arabe [32]. Au lieu d’en découdre avec leur guide religieux qui s’était démasqué de lui-même (pour un chef religieux, c’est une honte que de ne pas maîtriser l’arabe), ils menacent les journalistes qui lui ont tendu le micro. En 2008, c’est le siège du groupe de presse Walffadjri qui a été tout simplement incendié par les disciples de Serigne Modou Kara. Et en 2005, ce sont toutes les stations radio qui émettaient à Touba, la capitale du mouridisme, qui ont été fermées par le Khalife général de cette confrérie.
Si les marabouts ou leurs talibés en arrivent à ces dérapages, c’est parce qu’ils bénéficient d’une impunité de fait. Dans beaucoup d’affaires de ce genre les opposant aux journalistes, les coupables ont toujours été identifiés et des plaintes déposées, mais sans suite. Que dire de la constante saisine des autorités gouvernementales par rapport à ces atteintes à la liberté d’expression ? Car, à vrai dire, dans des cas pareils, les journalistes ont droit à un minimum de protection. Malheureusement, le gouvernement qui était en devoir de la leur assurer semble faire preuve de « complaisance » [33] à l’égard des marabouts, voire de complicité.
Se pose alors un dilemme pour les responsables de rédaction. Au nom du devoir d’informer, faut-il continuer à exposer les reporters ? Une question qui semble être au centre des réflexions des responsables des organes de presse :

« Dans un tel contexte, est-ce qu’il est même responsable d’envoyer les jeunes reporters au "charbon" ? S’il fait son travail avec courage, ils ne viendront pas attaquer le journal mais c’est à lui qu’ils s’en prendront. Ils vont l’agresser quelque part, organiser un guet-apens. Le garçon de la Rfm est le dernier exemple en date. Un autre jeune journaliste du Matin, El Malick Seck, en a aussi vécu l’amère expérience. Qu’est-ce qui s’en est suivi ? Rien du tout. Ce qui fait que les responsables d’organes de presse en arrivent à se poser des questions. Le besoin d’information est réel. Le jeune reporter a toutes les qualités pour faire un reportage et il le fait correctement. Mais s’il le fait, voilà ce que cela peut lui coûter. Et personne ne réagit » [34].


Ces réflexions n’ont jamais débouché sur un boycott des manifestations des acteurs religieux du pays. Mais force est de constater que ces fréquentes atteintes à la liberté de presse ne sont pas de nature à encourager le traitement des questions ayant trait aux marabouts.

Difficile accès aux sources d’information

L’autre difficulté à laquelle sont confrontés les journalistes, c’est l’accès aux sources. La culture du secret règne en maître au sein des hiérarchies religieuses. Malgré le semblant d’ouverture symbolisé par la création de cellules de communication, elles n’en sont pas moins enclines à verrouiller l’information [35]. En fait, elles sont prêtes à dérouler le tapis rouge aux journalistes quand il s’agit de la couverture des manifestations religieuses qui rythment chaque année la vie de ces communautés (Magal [36], Maouloud [37], ziarra, université du ramadan, etc.). Les cellules de communication fonctionnent, dans ces cas, à l’image des structures les plus modernes. Elles lancent des invitations aux organes de presse, mettent une maison de presse équipée d’ordinateurs connectés à internet à la disposition des journalistes conviés.
Mais passés ces événements, la tendance est au repli. Les interlocuteurs sont difficilement joignables dans le cadre d’une enquête, d’un reportage, etc.

« À chaque fois que l’information est susceptible de déranger quelque part, souvent y a des réticences, y a même un black-out. Ce qui fait que souvent, les journalistes reviennent avec des informations très parcellaires, souvent des informations qui ne sont pas tout à fait vérifiées, qu’on est obligé de présenter avec des précautions d’usage » [38].

Et les journalistes de se tourner alors vers des secteurs plus ouverts, moins exposés et surtout plus vendeurs comme la politique, les faits divers, le sport, etc. Car, il faut le dire, le public sénégalais bien que fondamentalement religieux, n’est pas friand d’informations sur la religion.

La logique commerciale

Les obstacles comme les représailles, la rétention de l’information, la presse aurait pu les surmonter si l’information religieuse était vendeuse. C’est parce qu’elle ne l’est pas, en comparaison avec les autres sujets, que les journalistes évitent de l’aborder.
La sélection de l’information en rapport avec la religion s’effectue en vertu de la pure logique commerciale. Par exemple, les grands rendez-vous religieux comme le Magal de Touba, le Gamou de Tivaouane ou le pèlerinage de Popenguine revêtent une grande importance dans les stratégies éditoriales et commerciales des organes de presse. Ils n’ont pas besoin d’invitation officielle pour aller couvrir ces événements et les relater dans leurs colonnes. « C’est un événement vendeur », souligne Amadou Fall, le directeur commercial du Soleil à propos du Magal. À cette occasion, des envoyés spéciaux sont déployés sur le terrain et le top management met en œuvre des stratégies commerciales pour attirer le plus grand nombre d’annonceurs. Des cahiers spéciaux ou suppléments en couleurs sont confectionnés. À ce propos, le directeur commercial du Soleil témoigne :

« Il y a des événements religieux que nous n’exploitons pas de la sorte, parce qu’il va être difficile de vendre quelque chose. La communauté mouride, c’est une communauté qui a le culte du travail, c’est quelque chose qu’on leur a inculqué. Et bon nombre de ses membres sont très actifs dans le domaine de la production, des services, etc. Et nous savons que c’est une clientèle en termes d’annonces publicitaires, mais également en termes de vente de journaux. C’est une clientèle qui est dans les dispositions pour acheter le produit que nous avons conçu et mis sur le marché » [39].

Le Directeur de la Publication de Walfadjri, lui, déclare que c’est l’actualité, rien que l’actualité qui guide leurs stratégies éditoriales. Mais une fine analyse de ses propos dévoile un certain souci de coller aux attentes du public :

« Ce sont des événements importants de la vie de la nation. Par exemple le Magal de Touba, ça mobilise près de 2 millions de Sénégalais. Deux millions de personnes, vous vous rendez compte, polarisées dans une même ville, en fait un gros village, pendant trois à quatre jours, mais c’est un événement important. C’est normal qu’on relaye cet événement, car c’est ça l’actualité. De même quand il y a le Maouloud, c’est un événement, car c’est des millions de personnes qui sont concernées à Tivaouane. Plusieurs villes se vident au profit de Tivaouane, Kaolack, Medina Gounass, etc. Y a même des gens qui ne sont d’aucune religion qui sont intéressés par ce qui se passe à Tivaouane et à Touba. Nous avons le devoir de les informer sur cette actualité. Nous pouvions aussi parler de la Pentecôte, tous ces grands événements religieux qui se passent une fois par an et qui intéressent les lecteurs » [40].

Ces reportages peuvent, cependant, être rangés dans le cadre de la routine journalistique. Et en ces occasions, les journalistes agissent plutôt comme relais de l’agenda des chefs spirituels que comme filtre, la relation des événements ne différant pas fondamentalement de ce que veulent véhiculer les organisateurs.

L’allégeance des journalistes

L’autre raison diffuse du peu d’intérêt accordé aux questions religieuses est à trouver dans le contexte socioculturel sénégalais caractérisé par l’allégeance de la majorité des musulmans aux marabouts. Les journalistes, à notre sens, ne constituent pas un monde à part. Ce sont des Sénégalais à part entière, régis par les mêmes règles sociales, donc déterminés sociologiquement. Ils devraient, à ce titre, avoir du mal à échapper à ce conformisme social qui fait de la majorité des Sénégalais des talibés soumis au pouvoir maraboutique. Abdoulaye Ndiaga Sylla explique que la relation que les journalistes entretiennent avec les familles maraboutiques peut les brider dans l’exercice de leur profession :

« Nous sommes dans un système assez particulier. L’islam du Sénégal est essentiellement un islam confrérique. Donc généralement, les gens appartiennent à des chapelles différentes. Et ce qu’on constate, c’est que le journaliste ne fait pas la part entre son appartenance à un groupe confrérique et le travail qu’il fait. Il ne met pas de distance critique entre lui et le marabout, lui et le chef religieux. Et cela peut poser problème. Je crois que les raisons sont d’ordre culturel et social. Il y a comme qui dirait une difficulté à s’émanciper de ces gens-là pour les journalistes. Et la rengaine, c’est à chaque fois de dire : "écoutez nous sommes au Sénégal, il faut quand même faire attention, etc.". Cela bride un peu les journalistes dans leur élan, les empêche de faire leur travail » [41].


Les croyances et les réalités socioculturelles entrent par conséquent en ligne de compte dans la sélection de l’information religieuse. Elles expliquent les silences par rapport à des faits mettant en cause des marabouts. Il ne faut pas donc croire que les journalistes se taisent parce qu’ils ne détiennent pas l’information, mais ils préféreront faire un black out parce que leurs intérêts mêmes peuvent en dépendre, en tant que membres actifs du système.
La théorie de l’agenda setting permet de rendre compte de cette manie qu’a la presse de rendre invisibles les acteurs religieux ou de reléguer au second plan l’information les concernant lorsque les faits sont en leur défaveur et de les mettre en valeur quand la situation l’exige, comme lors des grandes commémorations. L’influence d’un acteur sur l’agenda des médias pouvant, en effet, « consister à ne pas figurer sur la place publique quand tel est son intérêt » [42].
Au total, si les médias consentent à parler des marabouts, c’est toujours avec une extrême prudence en évitant tous les sujets qui fâchent et toujours en bien, autrement dit jamais à l’encontre de ce que veut entendre le public. « Exceptionnel », « miracle », « saint », « descendance prophétique », etc. sont des termes récurrents dans les articles pour les qualifier. Une manière de renforcer leur aura et de les distinguer nettement du reste de la population. La presse se veut ici la mémoire vivante du peuple et perpétue l’idéologie politique qui fait de ces grands marabouts des résistants à la domination française. Cette histoire, tous les grands évènements religieux sont une occasion pour la raconter, la même, inlassablement, à tel point que la relation de ces dits événements donne l’air de « marronniers » dans la presse.
D’un point de vue théorique, cette façon de traiter l’information fait penser à l’effet de cadrage, une des fonctions des médias. L’angle de traitement, le choix des mots, des images et des métaphores ne sont jamais fortuits. C’est, en effet, une manière pour les journalistes de proposer des cadres (frames) d’interprétation aux audiences, lesquels sont susceptibles d’être partagés et utilisés par le public de manière préférentielle pour porter un jugement, voire pour évaluer des événements, des personnages, etc.

« Bref, à travers l’effet de cadrage, les journalistes tendent à suggérer au public la "meilleure" façon d’aborder un thème (la plus "logique", la plus "réaliste", la plus "juste", la plus "moderne"…), et donc à orienter son jugement quant à ce thème – sans pourtant lui enjoindre en quoi que ce soit, du moins pas de façon explicite, d’adopter un certain comportement ou une certaine opinion » [43].

L’’effet de cadrage n’est, d’ailleurs, pas très éloigné, sur le plan théorique, de l’agenda setting. C’est son extension, pense Maria Santos-Sainz [44]. Il vient le compléter, selon Grégory Derville qui développe :

« Alors que celui-ci consiste à installer dans l’esprit du public telle préoccupation plutôt que telle autre, l’effet de cadrage consiste à présenter d’une manière spécifique chacun des sujets abordés par les médias, et à appeler à leur égard des réactions et des évaluations congruentes avec le cadrage retenu ».

En ce qui concerne notre analyse de l’information en rapport avec les chefs spirituels, cinq cadres interprétatifs peuvent être relevés ; 1/ les marabouts sont des saints ; 2/ ils ont résisté à la colonisation française ; 3/ ce sont des descendants du prophète ; 4/ les fils et petits-fils de marabouts sont des marabouts. 5/ les marabouts ne se trompent jamais, ils sont induits en erreur par leur entourage. Mais ici, il s’agit moins d’influencer que de conforter l’audience dans son opinion sur les marabouts et ses croyances.

Internet, la nouvelle donne

La presse en ligne offre de nouvelles possibilités, dont la moindre n’est pas l’interactivité. Les contributions et opinions des lecteurs ne sont plus réservées à quelques privilégiés, mais ouvertes à quiconque possède une connexion. Même les moins nantis peuvent donner leur avis, car des cybercafés qui proposent des tarifs modiques, pullulent aujourd’hui dans les coins les plus reculés du Sénégal. L’intérêt, c’est que les internautes réagissent en temps réel sur le contenu des articles et les responsables des médias peuvent, à travers les forums de discussions, tâter le pouls de leur public et analyser ce qu’il est permis de dire ou de taire. Et celui-ci n’est pas toujours tendre avec les chefs spirituels. Cet espace de dialogue est, à notre avis, intéressant à analyser, car, mieux que des questionnaires, il permet de cerner l’opinion des lecteurs, l’anonymat dont ils s’entourent leur assurant une plus grande liberté. Et les marabouts qui ont occupé, de manière tonitruante, l’espace public, ces dernières années, leur ont donné l’occasion de donner un avis critique sur leurs agissements. L’enseignement que l’on peut tirer de ces commentaires, qui ne déparent en rien le bon vieux courrier des lecteurs, est qu’une partie de l’audience est aujourd’hui prête à entendre un autre discours des médias à l’égard des chefs spirituels. Un traitement professionnel de l’information en rapport avec ces derniers est devenu une exigence de la part de ces récepteurs. Pourquoi le public a-t-il ainsi changé d’attitude ? La crise aidant, il supporte de moins en moins le système de clientélisme politique qui s’est instauré depuis le début des indépendances, système dont ne profitent que les politiques et la hiérarchie maraboutique, toutes confréries confondues. Les médias ne sont pas épargnés, car par leurs silences et leurs indignations sélectives, ils se rendent complices de cette réalité bien sénégalaise.
La logique commerciale voudrait que les médias s’adaptent en permanence aux attentes de l’audience. La presse devrait, par conséquent, logiquement tenir compte de cette nouvelle demande d’informations moins teintées de mansuétude à l’égard les chefs spirituels. C’est de cette façon seulement qu’elle pourrait maintenir la relation de confiance qui la lie à cette frange de son lectorat. Changera-t-elle pour autant sa manière de traiter cette information pour satisfaire ce public ? C’est tout l’enjeu de ces prochaines années dans le paysage médiatique sénégalais.

CONCLUSION

De tous les pouvoirs – économique, politique, maraboutique comme dans le cas du Sénégal, etc. –, c’est celui des rédacteurs qui est le moins visible et le plus pernicieux. Ce sont eux qui décident, en dernière instance, de ce qu’il faut dire ou taire. Avancer cela ne signifie point minimiser les pressions qui peuvent s’exercer sur eux et qui peuvent les confiner au silence. Cependant, aussi fortes soient-elles, elles ne sont pas insurmontables. Il suffit tout simplement de le vouloir. Ici, en l’occurrence, c’est la volonté qui manque le plus. Qu’est-ce à dire ? Que l’autocensure est une arme redoutable entre les mains des journalistes. Et c’est à juste titre que Paul Virilio note que
« Les médias industriels jouissent d’une dépravation singulière des lois démocratiques. En effet, si la télévision et, par osmose, la presse ne disposent pas, a priori, de la liberté d’annoncer de fausses nouvelles, notre législation leur accorde par contre le pouvoir exorbitant de mentir par omission, en censurant et frappant d’interdit celles qui ne leur conviennent pas ou pourraient nuire à leurs intérêts » [45].

Si la censure gouvernementale est intolérable et décriée, celle exercée par les rédacteurs sur eux-mêmes ou par les directeurs de rédactions paraît légitime ou mieux légale.
Entre la censure étatique, celle exercée par les responsables de rédactions, etc., et l’autocensure, il est difficile de trouver de la place pour une libre expression des opinions par voie de presse. Prendre acte de l’impossible liberté de presse n’est donc pas une simple vue de l’esprit, ici comme partout ailleurs. Ce concept agité à tout bout de champ demeure un idéal [46]. Albert L. Hester va même plus loin. Il pense, en effet, qu’« il n’y a pas de régime journalistique idéal. Même les journalistes occidentaux si fiers de leur liberté éviteront de mordre trop cruellement la main qui les nourrit » [47].
Avec les médias, s’est donc opéré un transfert réussi de modèle. La presse au Sénégal assimile même à la perfection le côté le plus pervers du mode de fonctionnement des médias, la logique commerciale. Les quotidiens d’informations générales sélectionnent ainsi et traitent leurs informations religieuses en fonction des attentes réelles ou supposées du public. Cette dictature du lectorat ou co-construction de l’agenda explique qu’en dehors des événements incontournables comme le Magal, le Gamou, le pèlerinage de Popenguine, etc. réputés « vendeurs », ils ne s’intéressent pas trop aux questions religieuses passablement prisées par le public. La presse confessionnelle qui semble faire fi de cette donne tire difficilement son épingle du jeu dans le paysage médiatique sénégalais.

BIBLIOGRAPHIE

Ouvrages et articles de revues

BERTAUD, J.-P., La presse et le pouvoir de Louis XIII à Napoléon Ier,
Paris, Perrin, 2000.
CHARON, J., « Les médias et les sources. Les limites de l’agenda-setting », in Hermès 17-18, Communication et politique, Éditions CNRS, 1995.
COLTICE, J.-J., Comprendre la presse. Informer hier et demain, Chronique sociale, Lyon, 1995.
COULON, C., Le marabout et le Prince, Paris, Éds A. Pedone, 1981.
- Les musulmans et le pouvoir en Afrique noire, Paris, Karthala, 1983.
DERVILLE, G, Le pouvoir des médias. Mythes et réalités, Grenoble, PUG, 2005.
FALL, A. B., « La démocratie à l’épreuve de l’alternance », in Politeïa n°5, Printemps 2004.
HERVIEU-LEGER, D., « Croire en modernité ; au-delà de la problématique des champs religieux et politique », in MICHEL, P. (sous la direction de), Religion et démocratie. Nouveaux enjeux, nouvelles approches, Paris, Albin Michel, 1997.
HESTER, A. L., « Journalisme révolutionnaire, journalisme de développement », in HESTER, A. L. et TO, W. L. J., Journalisme et tiers monde, Bruxelles, De Boeck-Wesmael, 1989.
MARTY, P., Études sur l’islam au Sénégal, Paris, Ernest Leroux, 1917, T.1.
PAYE, M., « La presse et le pouvoir », in DIOP, M. C. (sous la direction de), Sénégal. Trajectoires d’un État, Paris, Karthala, 1992.
RUITORT, P., « L’information en matière de religion », Une spécialisation moralement fondée ?, in Réseaux 2002/1, n°111, p. 132-161.
SANTOS-SAINZ, M., L’élite journalistique et son pouvoir, Rennes, Éditions Apogée, 2006.
SIMMEL, G., Secret et sociétés secrètes, Strasbourg, Éditions Circé, 1991.
TINCQ, H., « Église-médias ; la double méprise », in BRECHON, P. et WILLAIME, J.-P. (sous la direction de), Médias et religions en miroir, Paris, PUF, 2000.
- « Un couple explosif », in DEFOIS G. et TINCQ, H., Les médias et l’Église. Évangélisation et information ; le conflit de deux paroles, Paris, CFPJ, 1997.
TOURÉ, B., « Presse et pluralisme au Sénégal », in Presse francophone d’Afrique ; vers le pluralisme. Actes du colloque Panos/UJAO UNESCO-Paris, les 24 et 25 janvier 1991, L’Harmattan, 1991.
TUDESQ, A.-J., Les médias en Afrique, Paris, Ellipses, 1999.
- Feuilles d’Afrique, Talence, MSHA, 1995.
VIRILIO, P., L’art du moteur, Paris, Galilée, 1993.

Thèses et mémoires

LOUM, N., La presse indépendante au Sénégal. Le culte de la différence, Mémoire de DEA en Info-com, Bordeaux 3, 1996-1997.
- Pluralisme de l’information et groupes multimédias privés au Sénégal ; essai d’approche sociopolitique, Thèse de Doctorat en Sciences de l’information et de la communication, Bordeaux 3, 2000-2001.
MBOW, M., Régulation médiatique et journalismes en Gambie et au Sénégal, Thèse de Doctorat en Sciences de l’information et de la communication, Bordeaux 3, 2008.
NDIAYE, M., Le rôle des médias privés dans la réalisation de l’Alternance politique au Sénégal, mémoire de DUR en Sciences de l’information et de la communication, Bordeaux 3, 2001-2002.
SALL, S. N., Médias et religions au Sénégal. L’information religieuse dans les quotidiens Le Soleil et Walfadjri (janvier 2004-Juillet 2004), mémoire de DEA Sciences de l’information et de la communication, Université Michel de Montaigne Bordeaux 3, 2004-2005.
SALL, S. N., Religions et presse au Sénégal ; débat sur la laïcité, Thèse de Doctorat en Sciences de l’information et de la communication, Bordeaux 3, 2009.


[1Université de Bordeaux 3, chercheur associé à MICA (Bordeaux-Montaigne), France

[2BERTAUD, J.-P., La presse et le pouvoir de Louis XIII à Napoléon Ier, Paris, Perrin, 2000, p.11.

[3PAYE, M., « La presse et le pouvoir », in DIOP M. C. (Sous la direction de), Sénégal. Trajectoires d’un État, Paris, Karthala, 1992.

[4COLTICE, J.-J., « Comprendre la presse. Informer hier et demain », in Chronique sociale, Lyon, 1995, p. 30.

[5Beaucoup de pays africains, à l’instar du Sénégal, au moment de leur indépendance, ont reproduit ou se sont référés aux principes généraux de la loi française du 29 juillet 1881 sur la liberté de la presse.

[6Cf. NDIAYE, M., Le rôle des médias privés dans la réalisation de l’Alternance politique au Sénégal, mémoire de DUR en Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication, Bordeaux 3, 2001-2002.

[7HERVIEU-LEGER, D., « Croire en modernité ; au-delà de la problématique des champs religieux et politique », in MICHE, L P. (sous la direction de), Religion et démocratie. Nouveaux enjeux, nouvelles approches, Paris, Albin Michel, 1997, p. 362.

[8BERTAUD, J.-P., La presse et le pouvoir.., op. cit., p. 16.

[9TINCQ, H., « Église-médias ; la double méprise », in BRECHON, P. et WILLAIME, J.-P. (sous la direction de), Médias et religions en miroir, Paris, PUF, 2000, p. 172.

[10SIMMEL, G., Secret et sociétés secrètes, Strasbourg, Éditions Circé, 1991, p. 79.

[11TINCQ, H., « Un couple explosif », in DEFOIS, G. et TINCQ, H., Les médias et l’Église. Évangélisation et information ; le conflit de deux paroles, Paris, CFPJ, 1997, p. 77.

[12RUITORT, P., « L’information en matière de religion », article cité, p. 141.

[13TINCQ, H., in DEFOIS, G., Les médias et l’Église, p. 92.

[14TINCQ, H., in BRECHON, P. et WILLAIME, J.-P., Médias et religions en miroir, op. cit., p. 173.

[15Voir COULON, C., Le marabout et le Prince, Paris, A. Pedone, 1981 ; Les musulmans et le pouvoir en Afrique noire, Paris, Karthala, 1983.

[16Talibés est un mot qui est entré dans le français courant, il signifie disciples.

[17FALL, A. B., « La démocratie à l’épreuve de l’alternance », in Politeïa n°5, Printemps 2004, p. 68.

[18P. MARTY ne disait-il pas que « l’étude du monde islamisé est donc à peu près uniquement ici une étude des personnalités maraboutiques », in Études sur l’islam au Sénégal, Paris, Ernest Leroux, 1917, T1, p. 3.

[19« Médias et religions au Sénégal ; L’information religieuse dans les quotidiens Le Soleil et Wal Fadjri (janvier 2004- juillet 2004 ».

[20TUDESQ, A.-J., Feuilles d’Afrique, p. 188.

[21Ibid.

[22Directeur général du groupe Sud Communication.

[23TOURÉ, B., in Presse francophone d’Afrique ; vers le pluralisme, p. 56.

[24FALL, A., « Pour que ces rayons ne palissent plus jamais », Le Soleil, 1er octobre 2003.

[25Directeur commercial du quotidien national Le Soleil, Dakar, mars 2007.

[26Pluralisme de l’information…, thèse citée.

[27SAMBE, « Menaces contre le Red-chef du Témoin ; Le Synpics exhorte l’État à assurer la sécurité des journalistes », in Le Soleil, 30 octobre 2004.

[28AÏDARA, A. K., « Il est midi porte plainte pour injures répétées et menaces de mort », in Il est midi Quotidien, 23 février 2006.

[29SORTIE - Le Cred sur l’agression du correspondant de Rfm à Diourbel ; « Le gouvernement va réagir », in Le Quotidien, 06 mai 2006.

[30DIALLO, B. A., « Entretien avec Cheikh Bethio Thioune ; « Que ceux qui m’insultent sachent en répondre devant mes talibés », in Le Quotidien, 10 mai 2006.

[31Entretien avec Abdourahmane Camara, Directeur de publication de WalFadjri.

[32Voir entretien avec Mademba Ndiaye, chargé de la communication et de la formation à la Banque mondiale, ex-journaliste à WalFadjri et à l’Agence de presse sénégalaise (APS).

[33Entretien avec A. N. Sylla, Directeur de publication de Sud Quotidien.

[34Ibid.

[35Entretien avec A. N. Sylla, op. cit.

[36Commémoration du départ d’exil de Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba, le fondateur de la confrérie mouride.

[37Commémoration de la naissance du Prophète Mahomet.

[38Entretien, mars 2008 à Dakar.

[39Entretien, mars 2008 à Dakar.

[40Entretien, janvier 2007 à Dakar.

[41Ibid.

[42CHARON, J., Les médias et les sources. Les limites de l’agenda-setting, in Hermès 17-18, Communication et politique, Éditions CNRS, 1995, p. 76.

[43DERVILLE, G., Le pouvoir des médias. Mythes et réalités, Grenoble, PUG, 2005, p. 50.

[44SANTOS-SAINZ, M., L’élite journalistique et son pouvoir, Rennes, Éditions Apogée, 2006, p. 168.

[45VIRILIO, P., L’art du moteur, p. 13.

[46Les débats dans la presse française et chez les chercheurs, par exemple, sont récurrents.

[47HESTER, A. L., « Journalisme révolutionnaire, journalisme de développement », in HESTER, A. L. et TO, W. L. J., Journalisme et tiers monde, p. 67.

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